LISTENING
TO OUR CAFÉ GUESTS ABOUT
AMERICAN MILITARY PRESENCE IN MINDANAO
By Dann Pantoja
Since the opening of our café
last May 7th, 2007 we've met various people who love to discuss peace and
conflict issues. The current hot topic is about the U.S.
military presence in Mindanao. Their views are interesting.
Many of them come for coffee with their laptops and often show us weblinks
that support their views. Some of them made me promise to make this
Analysis page of our website reflect a genuine conversation from different
points of view.
Here are some perspectives we've heard so far--
:: Those who claim they represent the view of Davao's
majority population do not like the presence of the U.S. military forces
in Mindanao, especially in the Greater Davao Region (i.e., Davao
City, Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur, and
Davao Oriental).
They agree that "terrorism is a problem in Mindanao, but the American soldiers
are only making the violent situation get worse." Furthermore,
"the Americans attract more terrorists!" these old-time Davaoeňos
say. They are convinced that the Philippine National Police and the
Armed Forces of the Philippines are doing a good job at protecting the
Greater Davao Region from terrorists. The
statements of Mayor R. Duterte, as quoted in MindaNews, reflect this
particular view.
:: Many American Evangelical missionaries who visited us think that
the U.S. is doing Mindanao a favor by sending their
military forces to help stop the spread of terrorism. They often
mention how certain American military elements actually do medical and
dental missions to advance the cause of peace and development in the
island, which is well-documented
by the U.S. Embassy in the Philippines. These Evangelical
missionaries believe that peace and order is needed so that more
missionaries like them can be sent "to do evangelism and church
planting" throughout Mindanao
and Southeast Asia.
A couple of them even questioned the Christian commitment of Peacebuilders
Community because of our criticism of American foreign policy in the
Philippines as
expressed below.
:: There are academics who try their best to present an objective
analysis of the U.S. military presence here based on their understanding of the geo-political
dynamics in Asia.
They discuss why it is important for the United States to be in Southeast Asia, particularly in Mindanao,
at this stage of the post-911 global reality. In their
understanding, the U.S. is protecting their interests in Asia Pacific
vis-a-vis "international terrorism and China's growing military
ambitions." When asked where we can find a written version of
such eloquent presentation, one of them proudly referred to an
article published by his friend who's with Asia Times.
:: My favorite group is a bunch of young professionals who graduated
from my alma mater--the University of the Philippines. They insist
that the key towards understanding the issue of American military presence
in Mindanao is to
trace back our history of resistance against American colonial forces.
For so long, the Americans have been imposing their will upon the people
of Mindanao.
In their Pacification Campaign during the 1900s, 20,000 Moros were killed
by American soldiers. It is through this historical lenses that many
Mindanaons see the American military presence in 2007 as déjà vu.
Interestingly, these group of young people are more interested in
exploring the possibility of a non-violent revolution than the bloody
revolution that traumatized their parents in the past few decades.
:: Then there's this tourist from the United Kingdom who insists
that I read his
organization's view about the deployment of U.S. military troops in the
Philippines. He avers that the real problem is neo-liberal
globalization and that the United States has appointed itself as the
guardian of this oppressive ideology. He gently persuades me to
re-consider an "international socialist alternative in envisioning a
future where just-peace will be realised in our world." My
Irish friend left the Philippines last week.
Is your point of view represented above? If so, you'll find friends
at the Peacebuilders
Community Café. If not, come over and we'll listen to you and
we'll add your view on this page.
AMERICAN
AID PACKAGE AND THE CULTURE OF VIOLENCE
Fatmawati Salapuddin,
chairperson of the Bangsamoro Women Solidarity Forum, expressed her
concern about a crucial aspect of the conflict in Mindanao. "The most serious battle I'm fighting as a
mother," she said, "is the battle between the culture of
violence and the culture of peace. This struggle is happening in my
children's hearts and minds." She said this during an
interactive session at the Sulu Solidarity Conference in Jolo, Sulu
last March 7, 2006.
The women in that group were wise and humble enough to admit the domestic
and the local sources of violence in their respective communities in Sulu,
Mindanao.
But they also talked about the intrusion of the Philippine and American
military personnel into their communities through Balikatan.
Balikatan is a joint military exercise between the Armed
Forces of the Philippines and some elements of US military forces in the
Pacific. Their war games were conducted early 2006 in Sulu, the
southern archipelago in the Philippines. The children in this archipelago saw
those soldiers with their state-of-the-art weaponry.
"The warrior appearance of those Americans becomes the idealized
images in our children's consciousness and active violence becomes a dream
for our children!" says Fatmawati. She cried for help in behalf
of the mothers who were with her: "We're tired of war. We're
tired of fighting. Please stop bringing war into our land."
The American presence in Mindanao is a part of an agreement between Washington and
Malacanang with regards to an aid package. Three years ago
the Bush Administration gave the Arroyo Government a
set of promises that was to be released after Malacanang complies with
certain conditions set by Washington.
Among other things, Arroyo must remain to be a loyal ally of the United
States and that the Philippines
must support American foreign policies, such as Bush's "War On
Terror." The Philippine Government is now acquiring the greater
part of this aid package.
Here are those promises:
1.
Counter terrorism equipment and training: $30
million in new grant aid for equipment and training
of Armed Forces of the Philippines targeted
at capabilities for countering terrorist groups within Philippines.
2. Development assistance to conflict areas: $30 million
in new bilateral development assistance for
Mindanao and support for the peace process with the MILF, as
appropriate.
3. Establishment of combat engineering unit: $25 million
in new grant assistance to train and equip a
combat engineering unit and provide other
military needs in the war on terror. The engineering unit will be
able to do civic action and humanitarian
projects in conflict zones.
4. U.S.
military support to Philippine counter-terrorism operations: agreement to provide U.S.
military
support to Armed Forces of the
Philippines-led operations against the Abu Sayyaf Group.
5. Support to Philippine Military mobility: 20 UH-1H
helicopters, as they become available and funding for
refurbishment and transport is secured; an
additional 10 UH-1H helicopters to be provided to ensure sufficient
spare parts.
6. Comprehensive security review: launching of a
comprehensive review of Philippine security needs and how
the United States can best support
Philippine military modernization and reform.
7. U.S.
defense goods and services:
up to $10 million in presidential draw down authority for equipment,
spare parts and maintenance.
8. Major non-NATO ally status: commitment to designate the
Philippines a major non-NATO ally (MNNA) to
allow U.S. and Philippines to work together
on military research and development and give Philippines
greater access to American defense
equipment and supplies.
9. Reciprocal presidential visit: acceptance by President
Bush of President Arroyo's invitation to visit Manila
in October 2003.
10. Remittance facilitation
initiative: launching of an initiative to facilitate and
reduce transaction fees on
remittances from overseas Filipinos, which
could save Filipino workers as much as an estimated $300
million annually.
11. Generalized system of preferences benefits: agreement
for tariff-free, GSP benefits to 8 specific
products requested by the
Philippines.
12. Veterans benefits: commitment to support legislation
extending new benefits to veterans lawfully residing
in the United States, including: full
rate service connected disability compensation; eligibility for burial at
national cemeteries and burial
benefits for New Scouts; full rate dependence and indemnity compensation
(DIC) to the survivors of New Scouts,
Commonwealth Army veterans and guerrillas; and comprehensive
health care eligibility to
Commonwealth Army veterans and New Scouts.
Commitment to support
reauthorization for the regional
veterans affairs office in manila. $500,000
in medical equipment to the
veterans memorial medical center in
Quezon City to improve medical care for Filipino veterans in
the Philippines.
Out
of the twelve items in this list of "goodies" from America, only
two will truly benefit the Filipino people—items number 10 and 11.
The rest are about building a strong American military subsidiary
in Southeast Asia
using the Philippines as a hub. This
has been the historical dynamics of the relationship between the United
States of America and the Republic of the Philippines for the past 100
years.
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo will, no doubt, continue to maintain this
relationship.
Meanwhile, the Pentagon will have a stronger influence, if not control, of
the Armed Forces of the Philippines. The U.S. will continue to have
dominance over the natural resources of the Philippines. The
American people will always support their government's militaristic
policies because it protects their "Great American Dream".
Because of these dynamics in the history of RP-US relations (a chronic
illness!), the common people in the Philippines will continue to suffer.
The efforts of the various civil society movements who are teaching our
people to embrace a culture of peace will experience more hardships
in peacebuilding.
The Philippine society in general, and Mindanao
in particular, will continue to have a gun-oriented sense of security, an
aspect of the culture of violence effectively exported by America
to the rest of the world.
This is the global aspect of the struggle waged by many mothers in Mindanao
like Fatmawati Salapuddin.